ePassport of Somalia

Civil war in Somalia had destroyed all government infrastructure and virtually all records on citizens.
Unauthorized Somali Passports were being issued in Somalia and neighbouring countries.
Several countries refused to recognize old Somali passport due to number of forgeries & the fact that passports were being issued to “non-citizens”
Somalia Government needed a solution to help identify its citizens – the solution needed to be:
Affordable
Highly secure (prevent forgeries)
Internationally complaint with ICAO regulations
Since we were starting from scratch – we wanted to ensure that the new solution would support us and meet international standards for many years to come.
We decided to maximize the use of technology and utilize a web based enrolment, Approval and issuance infrastructure coupled with the technology of ePassports & Smart ID cards.
ePassports have a micro-processor chip embedded into the passport book where the bearer’s bio data and biometrics (photo & fingerprint) are stored – these can be verified at any border control with the necessary ePassport readers
Our major objectives were:
Centralized Repository of all Citizen Information
Online, secure web based Application & Approval Process
Systems should be able to continue to function locally in the event of a communication link failure
Ability to track any application online from start to finish
Ensure all citizens receive their ePassport / ID Card within 7-14 days
Utilize an Automated Fingerprint Identification System (AFIS) to prevent multiple enrolments.
The new ePassport & National ID card is extremely secure and uses Biometrics (fingerprints) to securely identify individuals.
Somalia finally has an accurate and reliable way of identifying its citizens.
Citizens receive their ePassport & Smart ID Card within 14 days of application.
New ePassport has been recognized and accepted by over 100 countries already.

لماذا الغرب مهتم بسواحل الصوماليه

يظن المراقب أن الأحداث الأخيرة في الصومال، بدأت في 20 ديسمبر لعام2006. لكن العودة إلى التاريخ، من شانها أن توضح حقيقة الأمور.
الصومال، دولة افريقية، لطالما شخصت الأنظار تجاهها، لتكون محل أطماع دول كثيرة ، أبرزها الجارة إثيوبيا.قد يكون الحديث عن أطماع استعمارية ، في بلد يعاني المجاعة، و يتخذ من تصدير الماشية موردا أساسيا لاقتصاده، محل سخرية، لكن الواقع غير ذلك. فعندما نتحدث عن الصومال، فاننا نتحدث عن رقعة أرضية غنية بالثروات. ويشكل الحديد واليورانيوم، فضلا عن الغاز الطبيعي ابرز ثرواتها. أما النفط العمود الأساسي للدول الصناعية، فهو متوفر بكميات كبيرة في الطبقات الأرضية الصومالية. ليس هذا وحسب، بل إن الموقع الاستراتيجي للصومال، ساهم في تطلع الأطماع الأجنبية إليها. إذ تمتلك الصومال، اكبر ساحل على المحيط الهندي، كما تعد السيطرة على الصومال، طريق معبدة للوصول إلى البحر الأحمر، وخليج عدن، ومداخل الخليج العربي، وصولا إلى باب المندب. وبالتالي فان السيطرة عليها، هي سيطرة على شرايين النفط و ناقلات البترول .بعد كل هذه المغريات، لم يكن غريبا أن تكون إثيوبيا، هي الخصم اللدود، سيما وان الأخيرة لا تملك منافذ بحرية، مما دفع بأنظارها إلى الساحل الصومالي. المصالح الأمريكية، تلاقت مع المصالح الإثيوبية، فلا يخفى على احد ، أهمية الصومال بالنسبة لأمريكا، وذلك لعدة أسباب أهمها:- الصومال تقع في الطرف الجنوبي للبحر الاحمر، الذي تمر فيه حاملات النفط العملاقة القادمة من الخليج العربي إلى البلدان الأوروبية و أمريكا.
- حسب الرؤية الأمريكية، فان حل أزمة الطاقة من ناحية الإنتاج، يكمن في الخليج العربي. أما حل أزمة التسويق و النقل، يعتمد على باب المندب، و البحر الأحمر، و قناة السويس. و إذا تأثرت الحركة خلال هذا المضيق، فان نتائج خطيرة تترتب على ذلك. من اجل كل ما سبق، حاولت الولايات المتحدة التدخل في الصومال، ودأبت لاختلاق الذرائع والحجج، التي تبرر لها تدخلها، والذي لم يقتصر على التدخل السياسي، بل تجاوزه إلى حد التدخل العسكري، في عام 1991 ميلادية.استخدمت أمريكا ، ذريعتين بارزتين، خلال تاريخ تدخلاتها في الصومال، كان أولها محاربة المد السوفييتي، الشيوعي، وتخليص شعوب قارة أفريقيا ،من هذا الخطر الداهم. وانعكس استخدام هذه الذريعة، بشكل واضح، في عام1964 ، حين اتخذت الحرب الباردة من الأراضي الصومالية و الإثيوبية، ميدانا لها، فاندلعت حرب كبيرة بين الصومال و اثيوبيا. حاولت الصومال فيها، استرداد إقليم اوغادين المحتل، لكن أمريكا دعمت إثيوبيا، بالمال و السلاح،والتأييد السياسي في المحافل الدولية، بينما وقف الاتحاد السوفييتي، والصين الشعبية، وراء النظام الشيوعي في الصومال، مقدما له المال والسلاح.و استمرت الحرب ثلاثة سنوات، حتى دأبت الدولتان، الأمر الذي أدى إلى إعلان وقف إطلاق النار ، في 15/ اوكتوبر/ 1969 بعدها قامت حكومة رشيد شرماركي، الذي تم اغتياله على يد احد حراسه، ليتسلم الرئاسة، نتيجة انقلاب عسكري، محمد سياد بري. في عام 1991 اندلعت الحرب الأهلية في الصومال، بعد أن حاولت بعض القوى الخارجيةوعلى رأسها أمريكا و إثيوبيا، من إثارة النزعات القبلية، من مبدأ فرق تسد. لكنها كانت بحاجة الى أطراف داخلية تساعدها في إشعال الفتنة، فتلاقت مصالح التجار ، مع المصالح الخارجية، حين وجدوا في الحرب الأهلية، مصدرا كبيرا للربح.واندلعت الحرب الأهلية، وأخذت أمريكا و إثيوبيا بتغذيتها، عن طريق دعم بعض الفر قاء بالمال و السلاح.وفي عام 1992 أحست أمريكا أن الوقت قد حان لتدخل عسكري، في الصومال. فاصدر جورج بوش الأب، أوامره بإرسال، 27 الف جندي امريكي، الى الصومال، تحت شعار إرساء السلام.بقيت القوات الأمريكية في الصومال، حتى عام1995 ، حين أطلق الرئيس الأمريكي بيل كلينتون صيحته الاستغاثية، آمرا قواته الخروج من الصومال، و هم يجرون أذيال الخيبة.بعد خروج القوات الأمريكية، وظهور اتحاد المحاكم الإسلامية، الذي استطاع ارساء سلام و هدوء نسبيين، في الصومال. كان لزاما على أمريكا التفكير بذريعة جديدة، تمكنها من تحقيق أطماعها في الصومال، سيما أن التجار لم يعد يجدون في الحرب الأهلية سوى تجارة خاسرة بامتياز.ولان الذريعة تحتاج إلى سبب وجيه، يؤدي إليها، حصلت تفجيرات السفارتين الأمريكيتين في كينيا و تنزانيا، عام1998 ، وبعدها أحداث 11 سبتمبر لترفع أمريكا، راية حربها ضد الارهاب. متهمة المحاكم الإسلامية بالعلاقة مع تنظيم القاعدة، واعتبار الصومال معقلا للإرهابيين المسلحين.ولان تدخلها بحاجة الى مساندة داخلية صومالية، و اقليمية اثيوبية، قامت الحكومة الانتقالية، في بيداوا، و عملت اثيوبيا لتكون اليد اليمنى للولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، في القرن الأفريقي.بعد كل هذا العرض، يتبين لنا ان الوضع في الصومال، يتجاوز مسالة قوى مؤيدة و معارضة، انه لعبة سياسية، تتجاوز الأهداف الإقليمية لبعض الدول إلى أهداف دولية. وما الاحداث التي تشهدها الصومال اليوم، سوى انعكاس لرغبة خارجية، بعدم التهدئة الصومالية، لتبقى ثرواته مقسمة على الجميع.

Crisis And The Democracy In Somaliland

Those who are well familiar with the Somaliland democratic process perfectly know that we are not still democrats, but we are trying to build a democratic society. The way we go about this has been, and still is, by using mixture of clan, Islamic and limited democratic methodologies to choose our leaders and to settle our conflicts, and we call these democratic actions, though it is far from democracy.
In connection to this, the argument that Abdirahman Aw Ali and his supporters saying that Burao Kulmiye conference were not democratic loses its validity and credibility in Somaliland political context.
I can quote one main event, during the election of the parliamentary speakers. The Guurti realized the political system of the country tilts decisively to the ruling party, UDUB if the speakers of the parliament also went to the ruling party. The Guurti settled with the well-known formula, by allowing the opposition parties to have had the speaker and its two deputies (Shir-gudoonka).
That day I remember by asking the wise man of the Guurti, H. Abdirkarin (Abdi Warabe) what legal basis of this compromise was based. He said to me, “We did not refer too much on legal basis, but we refer to the political wisdom “xikma” of Somaliland . Because we thought if “shir-gudoonka” also goes to the ruling party, the government will have too much power.” (Xisbu xaakimku haday taa ku darsadaan waxay helayaan doobi buuxa, qolada mucaaridka ahina doobi madhan, markaa taasi nalama aha wax wanaagsan.)

Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sh. Hassan e-mail: rashid108@hotmail.com

The Fall Of Mbeki

Thursday, September 25, 2008

It is hard to think of a more ignominious end for Thabo Mbeki. As deputy to Nelson Mandela and then as president, he has run South Africa since the end of apartheid.
Last Saturday he was "recalled" from the presidency by the National Executive Council of the governing African National Congress and forced to resign. The move followed a series of blunders that have shattered the image of the man once revered as an African Machiavelli, coolly puffing his pipe while outsmarting all before him.
Mbeki's rise through the ranks of the ANC, the party his father Govan Mbeki once led, was meteoric. He often boasted that he was "born into the struggle" for liberation from white oppression. But his ousting was inevitable after he arrogantly overestimated his base within the ANC and failed to be re-elected as party leader last December.
In totting up his domestic legacy, South Africa's impressive growth rates, political stability and widening black economic empowerment will have to be balanced against his failure to tackle the twin epidemics that continue to grip the country - crime and AIDS. Many regard his crackpot views on the disease as contributing to the needless deaths of thousands of South Africans who were unable to gain access to effective treatment.
Throughout his tenure, Mbeki's passion for diplomacy was palpable. He loved the international stage and believed that he alone possessed the skills and vision to recast his beleaguered continent in the eyes of the world. This idea became manifest in his "African renaissance." That one rarely, if ever, hears this term today is emblematic of his dismal record in foreign affairs. The recent deal he brokered in Zimbabwe , which looks increasingly tenuous, should fool no one: Mbeki's legacy as an international statesman is disappointing.
His predecessor's vision that human rights would be the light that guided South Africa's foreign policy, making the country a beacon of hope for the world and for African development, may have been utopian, given the harsh realities of African politics.
Nevertheless, Mbeki inherited an enormous reserve of political capital built up by Nelson Mandela. The country's diversity, its status as the only nuclear power to voluntarily give up its weapons, the lessons of its transformation process, the muscle of its economy - one-third of sub-Saharan Africa's total - all this was an extraordinary foundation on which to build a uniquely African development model.
Mbeki never demonstrated that he possessed a clear understanding of South Africa 's national interest or how to balance ideological considerations and the country's priorities in trade, investment and international politics.
At the United Nations, for example, short-term tactical politicization routinely overshadowed strategic considerations. Instead of leading the African voting bloc, the UN's biggest, on trade access and help to the continent, South Africa blocked UN managerial reform, obstructed the interests of Western powers and maneuvered around tougher action on Burma, Zimbabwe and Iran. None of this did one bit for Africa or Africans.
The anti-imperialistic tenor of Mbeki's foreign policy was understandable, given his background. Less explicable was his failure to apply to Russia and China the same opprobrium he reserved for the West, especially the United States . Whatever the issue, under Mbeki South African opposition to U.S. policies often appeared more reflexive than considered.
For several years, Mbeki tried to encourage President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe down the path of electoral politics. Against all evidence that this was possible in a state disintegrating under hyper-inflation and violent repression, Mbeki doggedly stuck to his plan. His unwillingness to act against Mugabe - to simply even state that what was happening there was wrong - gave succor to Harare 's regime and amplified the crisis.
Did Mbeki misjudge Mugabe? Or did he believe the tyrant's liberation credentials excused all else?
Clearly, Mbeki sought to project himself as a liberator. But it is hard to escape the conclusion that, in seeking to ameliorate the crisis in Zimbabwe , Mbeki was greatly inhibited by his own determination to safeguard the ANC's liberation narrative. His shameful response to criticism of Zimbabwe by outside powers, and their calls for South Africa and other African governments to do more to resolve the crisis, exposed his deep personal sensitivity on questions of race.
If the new administration in Pretoria can unshackle itself from the ANC's inhibitive liberation ethos, Mbeki's departure from office could revitalize South Africa 's standing in world affairs.
Greg Mills heads the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation and Terence McNamee is with the London-based Royal United Services Institute.

Puntland Pirates - SL Times Newspapaer

Bosaaso, September 27, 2008 (SL Times) –

Piracy has become the most lucrative business in Puntland , Somalia 's north eastern region and safe haven for numerous armed gangs that hijack private and commercial vessels traveling in the waters between Yemen and Somalia for ransom.

In this year, pirates have already collected at least $80 million in ransom payments from ship owners.
It was only yesterday when Puntland pirates announced the release of a Japanese ship after the payment of a $2 million ransom.
Although sources close to the pirates estimate the number of vessels seized this year in the Gulf of Aden and off Puntland to be over 100, however only about a dozen of them had been reported.
Shipping companies are often reluctant to report piracy attacks out of concern for the increase in insurance premium that it would trigger.
But piracy in Puntland is not going to disappear. It has become the easiest way not only become rich but also to climb the social ladder fast.
Punland's piracy industry now employs over 2000 people. But the daring raids on ships are usually carried out by about 500 hardcore pirates who are often organized into groups of 10-15.
Pirates share their spoils with the local community and governing authorities for protection.
The rule is that 20% of the ransom money is invested in purchase of any equipment, weapons and communication devices that may deem necessary improving the efficiency of piracy operations, while 20% is allocated to each of the hosting community and the Puntland authorities. The remaining 40% is divided up among the Hawl-galeyaasha or the people who do the actual piracy attacks in the sea.
The piracy code also requires allocation of generous compensation funds to the families of pirates who are killed or wounded in piracy attacks.
Pirates tend to pay extravagantly for services or for goods to buy loyalty.
A Bosaaso businessman who deals with them said “A pirate buying a cup of teas in a remote coastal village would normally pay 10 times the actual price. If they need an extra AK 47 they would rent it from a villager for $100 for a couple of weeks instead of paying the whole $300 it costs.”
There is no doubt that the adventurous and lavish lifestyle led by the pirates in Puntland has already won admiration and allegiance from local communities.

Somali Leaders

Somali Leaders Use National Funds To ‘Buy Mps': Sources

TFG President Yusuf, Speaker Madobe and PM Nur Adde
BAIDOA, Somalia Sep 24 , 2008 – Somali leaders locked in endless political disputes use public funds to pay members of parliament (MPs) for votes, legislative sources tell Somali news agency Garowe Online.
In July, a political rift arose between Abdillahi Yusuf and Nur “Adde” Hassan Hussein, the President and Prime Minister of the country's UN-endorsed Transitional Federal Government (TFG), respectively.
Somali MPs in the south-central city of Baidoa were deeply embroiled in the conflict, with Yusuf and Nur Adde supporters introducing rival motions.
When the President's supporters in Parliament brought a vote-of-confidence motion against the Prime Minister, Nur Adde's supporters introduced a similar motion against the President.
Somali lawmakers' vote was “on sale” for other critical votes, the sources added, including an accountability motion with Prime Minister Nur Adde's government and a vote on whether or not pro-Yusuf Cabinet ministers could return to their posts.
MPs who did not wish to be named for security-related reasons tell Garowe Online that President Yusuf and Prime Minister Nur Adde invested as much as US$700,000 to buy lawmakers' votes during the recent dispute.
The money is handed directly to Sheikh Adan “Madobe” Mohamed, a former warlord who is now the parliament Speaker, according to our sources.
“Every motion brought into parliament is being secretly supported by TFG leaders, who invest a lot of money to buy MPs,” said a lawmaker.
Meanwhile, President Yusuf referred Speaker Madobe's September 23 letter rejecting the return of 10 Cabinet ministers to the High Court, government sources said.
There are now concerns that a High Court ruling could bring up a confidence vote against the Speaker, who was an ally of President Yusuf until recently.
The East Africa country of Somalia has not had a functioning national government in nearly 18 years, but the Ethiopian-backed TFG has been in power since 2004.
The government collects taxes from key economic resources and is bankrolled by donor nations, mostly in the West.
But there is no reliable management of government funds, since the money is controlled by individuals and not institutions.

رَبَّنَا مَا خَلَقْتَ هَذَا بَاطِلا

هذه صورة حقيقية لسديم يبعد عنا آلاف البلايين من الكيلومترات، يحتوي عدداً من النجوم، وكل نجم يشبه شمسنا، يحتوي على غبار كوني، وكذلك على دخان كوني، وتبلغ درجة حرارة سطح النجوم آلاف الدرجات المئوية، ولو اقتربنا من هذا السديم فإننا نحس بحرارة شديدة ناتجة عن التفاعلات النووية داخل النجوم، وعن اصطدام جزيئات الدخان والغبار بعضها ببعض.
ولذلك فإن هذا المشهد يذكرنا بعذاب الله تعالى، ولو رجعنا إلى حياة النبي الأعظم نجد أنه كان يخرج ليلاً ليتفكَّر في خلق هذه النجوم ويقول: (رَبَّنَا مَا خَلَقْتَ هَذَا بَاطِلًا سُبْحَانَكَ فَقِنَا عَذَابَ النَّارِ) [آل عمران: 191]. ونلاحظ أن النبي عليه الصلاة والسلام ربط بين التفكر في هذه المخلوقات وبين عذاب النار، فهل أطلع الله نبيَّه على سر من أسرار خلقه؟
ولذلك ينبغي علينا أن نستجيب لنداء الحق عندما يقول: (إِنَّ فِي خَلْقِ السَّمَاوَاتِ وَالْأَرْضِ وَاخْتِلَافِ اللَّيْلِ وَالنَّهَارِ لَآَيَاتٍ لِأُولِي الْأَلْبَابِ * الَّذِينَ يَذْكُرُونَ اللَّهَ قِيَامًا وَقُعُودًا وَعَلَى جُنُوبِهِمْ وَيَتَفَكَّرُونَ فِي خَلْقِ السَّمَاوَاتِ وَالْأَرْضِ رَبَّنَا مَا خَلَقْتَ هَذَا بَاطِلًا سُبْحَانَكَ فَقِنَا عَذَابَ النَّارِ) [ آل عمران: 190-191].

Somali Transitional Federal Government

If you want stay a live in Moqadishu Streets you have to post the TFG pictures on your car and say !!

"Oh, no not I, I will survive,

Oh as long as I know how to love, I know I'll stay alive

I've got all my life to live, I've got all my love to give

And I, l will survive, I will survive....Hey, VIVA Somali TFG and LONG LIVE Ethiopia !!"

Somaliland Passport

Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale

Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale urged Arab states to accept Somaliland passport in their countries, saying that Somaliland passport is considered a legitimate

travel document in most parts of the world except in Arab countries.
Talking to Awdalnews from Hargeysa, Duale said that citizens holding Somaliland passports had traveled to China, South East Asian, North America and mainland Europe without any problem.
“It is only the Arabs who refuse the Somaliland passport. We call upon them to recognize the Somaliland passport otherwise we will consider their action as hostile to us,

” he said. He urged Somaliland citizens around the world not to take the new passport being issued by the Somali Transitional Federal Government, TFG.

“We will not allow Somalilanders holding new Somali passports to enter the country,” he said, although he asserted that his government would review the situation of Somalilanders living in the Arab world who cannot travel with Somaliland passports.
He noted that his government would raise the passport issue with an Arab League delegation that is expected to visit Somaliland in the near future.

“A fact finding mission from the Arab league will soon arrive the country and we hope it would turn a new leaf for Somaliland-Arab relations,” Duale said.
He pointed out that Somaliland had strengthened ties with a number of African countries as a result of a vigorous foreign policy. A delegation from Southern Sudan is soon expected to visit Hargeysa.
Meanwhile, Duale affirmed that Somalilanders all over the world would be able to listen their country’s home news through Radio Hargeysa.
“The long awaited transmitter (25 Kw shortwave) will be installed shortly all Somali speaking people will be able to hear it from many places around the world,” he said.
On the jailed Qaran party leaders, Duale said the court had sentenced them and that they have the right to submit an appeal to the court.

“They never had it so good. They found unprecedented publicity by being in jail,” Duale said, asserting that it was up to them to appeal to the court or request a pardon from the President.

Duale denied that the President had reneged on his promises to the mediation committee, while accusing some of the Committee members of using the Committee to push their own agenda.
“There were elements in the Mediation Committee who had their biased agenda. Some of them were neither honest nor neutral about their mediation efforts,” he added, pointing out that it was the parliament that reneged on its pledges when it rejected to pass the two election commission members.

Duale expressed his support and endorsement for the President and his Vice President as candidates of the ruling UDUB party in the upcoming presidential elections due to be held early 2008.

He denied rumors about his aspirations for the Vice President’s candidacy, saying: “The sitting President and his Vice President are my candidates and they have my full support.”

Fall of the Minoans

The Minoans are best known for the legend of Theseus and the Minotaur, but it is in fact the demise of this once-great civilisation that is more interesting. . While many historians concentrate on the fall of the Roman Empire, the fall of the Minoans, who resided on the island of Crete, is an equal, if not greater mystery.
Three and a half thousand years ago the island was shaken by a huge volcanic eruption on the neighbouring Thera Island. Archeologists unearthed tablets which have shown that the Minoans carried on for another 50 years after the eruption, before finally folding.
Theories of what finally ended them have ranged from volcanic ash covering the island and devastating harvests to the weakened society eventually getting taken over by invading Greeks.

Disappearance of the Indus Valley Civilization

The ancient Indus Valley people, India’s oldest known civilization had a culture that stretched from Western India to Afghanistan and a populace of over 5 million. le—India’s oldest known civilization— were an impressive and apparently sanitary bronze-age bunch.
The scale of their baffling and abrupt collapse rivals that of the great Mayan decline. They were a hygienically advanced culture with a highly sophisticated sewage drainage system, and immaculately constructed baths.
There is to date no archaeological evidence of armies, slaves, conflicts, or other aspects of ancient societies. No one knows where this civilization went.

Lost City of Helike

In the late 2nd century AD, the Greek writer Pausanias wrote an account of how (4-500 years earlier?) in one night a powerful earthquake destroyed the great city of Helike, with a Tsunami washing away what remained of the once-flourishing metropolis.
The city, capital of the Achaean League, was a worship centre devoted to the ancient god Poseidon, god of the sea. There was no trace of the legendary society mentioned outside of the ancient Greek writings until 1861, when an archeologist found some loot thought to have come from Helike - a bronze coin with the unmistakable head of Poseidon.
In 2001, a pair of archeologists managed to locate the ruins of Helike beneath the mud and gravel of the coast, and are currently trying to peice together the rise and sudden fall of what has been called the “real” Atlantis.

Good Morning

Hi! Wish You A Very Good Morning!!

Have A Great Day and Week Ahead!!

-Bashir Yasin-